Saturday, 5 July 2025

A CONSTITUTIONAL CRITIQUE OF KENYA'S REBRANDED PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION SYSTEM UNDER THE 2010 CONSTITUTION

1. INTRODUCTION

The Constitution of Kenya, 2010 marked a paradigm shift from a centralized governance model to a devolved system intended to bring government services closer to the people, enhance accountability, and promote citizen participation. Central to this shift was the requirement under Article 17 of the Sixth Schedule that the national government "shall restructure the system of administration commonly known as the Provincial Administration to accord with and respect the system of devolved government."

More than a decade later, Kenya still retains a rebranded Provincial Administration system - now operating through Regional, County, and Sub-County Commissioners, and Chiefs - embedded within the Ministry of Interior and National Administration. This critique evaluates the extent to which the current structure complies with both the letter and spirit of the 2010 Constitution, particularly the objectives of devolution, and examines the legal, political, and practical implications of maintaining this parallel administrative apparatus.

2. HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND EVOLUTION

2.1 The Colonial and Post-Independence Provincial Administration

The Provincial Administration was born out of the British colonial policy of indirect rule and later institutionalized through successive post-independence governments. It comprised a rigid hierarchy of appointed officials - Provincial Commissioners (PCs)District Commissioners (DCs)District Officers (DOs)Chiefs, and Assistant Chiefs - serving as the eyes and arms of the executive, often exercising unchallenged authority over public administration, policing, land disputes, and civil registration.

2.2 The 2010 Constitutional Shift

The Constitution of Kenya, 2010 ushered in a devolved government system, creating 47 counties each with its own elected Governor, County Executive Committee, and County Assembly. The objects of devolution under Article 174 include promoting democratic and accountable exercise of power, enhancing service delivery, protecting minority and marginalized groups, and facilitating public participation in governance. Crucially, the Constitution envisioned a clear separation of national and county functions as listed in the Fourth Schedule.

In recognition of the persistence of the Provincial Administration, Article 17 of the Sixth Schedule provided a transitional pathway, obligating the national government to restructure the system to align it with the new devolved governance architecture.

3. Legal and Institutional Framework of the Current System

3.1 The National Government Coordination Act, 2013

Passed in response to Article 17, the National Government Coordination Act, 2013 is the primary statute anchoring the rebranded Provincial Administration. It establishes offices such as County Commissioners and Deputy County Commissioners, defines their roles, and assigns them responsibility for coordinating national government functions at county and sub-county levels.

While the Act purports to respect devolution, it effectively recasts the Provincial Administration within the executive arm of the national government. It creates a dual administrative presence in counties: one elected (county government) and one appointed (national administration), often leading to conflict, duplication, and confusion.

3.2 Executive Directives and Interior Ministry Guidelines

Successive Presidential Executive Orders (e.g., Executive Order No. 1 of 2013, 2016, and 2020) have reaffirmed the structure and command chain of national administrative officers. Chiefs and assistant chiefs, now classified as public servants, are recruited and regulated by the Public Service Commission (PSC), and deployed by the Ministry of Interior, further cementing their position as agents of the central executive.

4. Constitutional and Doctrinal Critique

4.1 Misalignment with Article 17 of the Sixth Schedule

The language of Article 17 - particularly the phrases "restructure" and "accord with and respect the system of devolved government" - implies a substantive transformation that would see the administration reoriented or subordinated to county structures. Instead, the national government has merely rebranded the system while preserving its vertical accountability to the Office of the President.

The failure to place these officers under the county governments, or to create joint service delivery frameworks, contradicts the clear constitutional intent to devolve power, responsibility, and resources. The national government’s retention of grassroots-level administrators amounts to administrative centralism cloaked in legal legitimacy.

4.2 Undermining the Objectives of Devolution

The continued presence of Regional and County Commissioners with coercive powers undermines:

  • Article 6(2): which declares that the two levels of government are "distinct and interdependent."

  • Article 174(a): which emphasizes the democratic and accountable exercise of power.

  • Article 189(1): which requires the two levels of government to respect each other’s functional and institutional integrity.

By retaining centralized agents within devolved spaces, the national government perpetuates a command-and-control culture, contrary to devolution’s goal of citizen-centered service delivery.

4.3 The Role of Chiefs and Assistant Chiefs

Despite their perceived grassroots utility, the continued deployment of chiefs and assistant chiefs under the national government creates administrative friction. Many are involved in functions that counties also handle - such as public health mobilization, civic registration, or dispute resolution - without formal accountability to county leadership.

While Article 186(1) and the Fourth Schedule assign public administration functions to both levels, the unilateral exercise of those functions by national officers undermines intergovernmental cooperation and risks institutional redundancy.

5. Jurisprudence and Comparative Perspectives

5.1 Supreme Court Advisory Opinion No. 2 of 2013

Although not directly on this matter, the Supreme Court held that both levels of government are “distinct but interdependent” and must be allowed to operate without undue encroachment. Applying this to Article 17, it can be inferred that embedding national officers in county spaces, exercising functions overlapping with counties, violates constitutional autonomy.

5.2 Lessons from Comparative Federal Systems

In federal and quasi-federal systems such as South Africa, Nigeria, and India, local administration is either:

  • Wholly devolved to subnational units, or

  • Jointly administered through clear cooperative governance frameworks.

Kenya’s dual-track approach - national officers in county territory with no subordination to local governments - is institutionally inefficient and politically regressive.

6. Recommendations and Way Forward

  1. Amend the National Government Coordination Act to:

    • Remove county-level national officers or clearly subordinate them to county governments in non-security functions.

    • Establish joint intergovernmental administrative boards for security and coordination.

  2. Gradual Transfer of Chiefs and Assistant Chiefs to county public service boards where appropriate.

  3. Audit and realign functions at the sub-county level to avoid duplication and conflict.

  4. Judicial interpretation of Article 17 should be sought to clarify the constitutional threshold of "restructuring" and ensure fidelity to the devolution framework.

  5. Civic education and stakeholder dialogue to reconsider the value and relevance of inherited administrative models.

7. Conclusion

The rebranded Provincial Administration in Kenya, while operating within statutory and executive instruments, fails to satisfy the constitutional command under Article 17 of the Sixth Schedule. Instead of restructuring to respect devolution, the system has persisted as a vestige of centralized governance, undermining county autonomy, duplicating functions, and perpetuating top-down administration.

Unless corrected through legislative reform, intergovernmental cooperation, or judicial guidance, the dual administrative regime will continue to frustrate the realization of the transformative ideals of the 2010 Constitution.


© 2025 | For inquiries, republication rights, or legal citations, contact INSTITUTE FOR POLICY & DIPLOMACY at instituteforpolicyanddiplomacy@gmail.com.


A CONSTITUTION UNDER SIEGE: WHY MURKOMEN’S “SHOOT TO KILL” ORDER VIOLATES THE LAW AND ENDANGERS US ALL

Introduction: When the Interior Ministry Declares War on Civilians

In an alarming statement made on 26th June, 2025 (see https://youtu.be/0FQ7x7_HH3g?si=AYkH7PHX046Dw_Bd), Kenya's Cabinet Secretary for Interior and National Administration Kipchumba Murkomen reportedly instructed police officers to shoot at anyone appearing near a police station. This utterance - authoritarian in tone, unconstitutional in spirit, and criminal in effect - marks a dark moment in Kenya’s democratic journey. It evokes memories of repressive regimes and colonial brutality, not the conduct of a Cabinet Secretary sworn to uphold the Constitution of Kenya, 2010.

The implications of such a pronouncement go beyond the immediate danger it poses to innocent citizens. It threatens to unravel the constitutional fabric that binds our democracy -the rule of law, the sanctity of life, the presumption of innocence, and due process.

The Constitutional Violations: A Systemic Breakdown of the Rule of Law

1. Right to Life (Article 26, Constitution of Kenya, 2010)

Murkomen's statement amounts to a direct incitement to extrajudicial killings, in flagrant violation of Article 26(1) of the Constitution which states:

"Every person has the right to life."

Moreover, Article 26(3) provides that a person shall not be deprived of life intentionally, except to the extent authorized by law.

Kenyan law permits the use of lethal force by police officers only under extremely limited circumstances - primarily to protect life, not to arbitrarily take it. A person merely “appearing” near a police station does not present a lethal threat warranting a death sentence without trial.

2. Right to Fair Trial (Article 50)

Kenya’s criminal justice system is anchored on the principle that every accused person is innocent until proven guilty. Article 50(2)(a) guarantees the right to a fair and public hearing before a court of law.

Murkomen’s remarks pre-empt this process by:

  • Assuming guilt without investigation,
  • Encouraging instant punishment (death),
  • Circumventing the courts and due process.

This is not just unconstitutional- it is state-sponsored vigilantism.

3. Right to Dignity and Freedom from Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment (Article 28 and 29)

To command law enforcement officers to summarily shoot individuals on mere suspicion is a directive rooted in cruelty and impunity. It disregards:

  • Human dignity (Article 28);
  • Freedom from torture (Article 29(f));
  • Protection from all forms of violence from public or private sources (Article 29(c)).
The Legal Framework on Use of Force: National Police Service Act and International Law

Section 61, National Police Service Act, 2011

This section provides that a police officer may use force only when non-violent means are ineffective or without promise of achieving the intended result. Firearms may be used only as a last resort, in situations such as:

  • Self-defense or defense of others against imminent threat of death or serious injury;
  • Preventing a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life; and
  • Arresting a person presenting such a threat.

Merely "appearing near a police station" does not satisfy any of these legal thresholds.

United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials (1990)

As a signatory to international human rights treaties, Kenya is bound by international standards. Principle 9 of the UN Basic Principles explicitly states:

"Law enforcement officials shall not use firearms against persons except in self-defence or defence of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury..."

Murkomen’s directive is an affront to Kenya’s international obligations under the UN Charter and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Incitement to Commit a Crime: Criminal Responsibility Under the Penal Code

Section 96 of the Penal Code: Incitement to Violence

"Any person who utters, prints or publishes any words... indicating or implying that it is or might be desirable to do or omit to do any act the doing or omission of which is calculated to lead to physical injury to any person or to any class, community or body of persons is guilty of an offence..."

Murkomen’s utterances may be construed as incitement to commit a felony (murder), and thus criminal in themselves.

Public Officials and the Burden of Restraint

It is not enough to dismiss Murkomen’s statement as political hyperbole. A Cabinet Secretary is not a talk-show pundit. The words of a senior state officer carry the force of policy, influence operational conduct, and may result in irreversible harm.

Kenya is still reeling from the wounds of police brutality, from the 2007–08 post-election violence, to the 2020 Githurai shootings, and most recently, the violent quelling of 2023 anti-tax protests. Giving security officers a blank cheque to shoot on sight is a recipe for mass atrocities and state terror.

What Next? The Case for Legal Accountability and Public Resistance

Murkomen must not be allowed to cloak his illegal pronouncement in political populism or “national security” rhetoric. He must be:

  1. Compelled to retract the statement publicly and unequivocally;
  2. Investigated by the National Police Oversight Authority (IPOA) for promoting unlawful use of force;
  3. Held personally liable for any injuries or deaths that arise from his directive;
  4. Censured by Parliament, which is obligated under Article 95 to exercise oversight over the national executive.
Conclusion: Democracy Dies in Broad Daylight, Not Darkness

What Murkomen has suggested is state-sanctioned extrajudicial execution, plain and simple. If left unchallenged, it will normalize an era where proximity to authority is treated as guilt, and suspicion as justification for death. This is the very antithesis of the Constitution of Kenya, 2010.

Let us be clear: this is not about security - it is about tyranny in uniform. And the moment to resist it is now.


© 2025 | For inquiries, republication rights, or legal citations, contact Institute for Policy & Diplomacy at instituteforpolicyanddiplomacy@gmail.com